The American Will Is Not Fate

by Dr. Abdul-Sattar Kassem

For a long time, Arabs have listened to talk about the world powers — especially the United States and some of its allies — and their ability to achieve whatever they want in the Arab region and impose their policies on Arabs and Muslims. In ordinary gatherings and in the corridors of dialogue and debate, it is often repeated that there is a plan for the region and that “they” (a pronoun referring to those great powers, other than God Almighty) are working to carry it out carefully and precisely. The common refrain is that they are conspiring and that their conspiracies are gradually coming true. An eloquent voice among the discussants will say: “By God, nothing will happen except what they want. We shouldn’t wear ourselves out or tire ourselves. They are the stronger ones and we have no power over them.” Then another eloquent voice replies: “God is stronger, man.” And the first responds: “Yes, indeed, by God. Our problems belong to God alone, and only God knows when things will be resolved.” This is not merely the argument of ordinary people — it is the argument of leaders too. Did not an Arab foreign minister come out and tell us, in truth, that Arabs have no choice but to beg America? Does not the leader of one of the major Arab states constantly remind us that we have no capacity for war and that we must seek a solution to our problems in international back rooms? And did not an Arab leader say that war is decided in Washington and we have no say in it?

In the same vein, Arab media repeat that there are American plans to rearrange the region, and that these plans are bound to be carried out. America, it is said, will re-partition the region, topple some leaders and install others. Consequently, tens of millions of people are waiting for the “American fate,” ready to receive it on the assumption that it cannot be turned back. Many seem comfortable with this idea of an inevitable fate, because it spares them the burden of resistance.

This generation heard its grandfathers, and then its fathers, say that Israel and America are powerful and can achieve whatever they want in the region. As one of those who heard this, I learned over time that Israel seeks security first and foremost, and far-reaching hegemony second. America, for its part, works to maintain control out of concern for its interests and for Israel’s security. The two states have worked to keep Arabs weak, divided, dependent, and backward, since this serves to reinforce both their policies. And Arab leaders have excelled at carrying out what others wanted, in exchange for preserving their own personal interests and the interests of their tribes, where such existed.

Despite the efforts of the two states and their alliances, and despite the defeats Arabs have suffered over time in every field and at every level, I do not find Israel more secure now than it was in 1948, nor do I find America comfortable with the state of the region as it has wished since 1945. Israel has worked to accumulate power ever since it began as a Zionist movement, and took great care to see that battles took place far from Jewish population centers and deep inside Arab territory. Despite this great care, battles are now taking place in the streets of its own cities. It is true that there is no advancing Arab army, but the martyrdom-seekers have managed to powerfully affect Israel’s security doctrine, to the point where the Israeli Jew is no longer confident that the bomb is not in his own home.

Likewise, I do not find that matters have settled in America’s favor. In the past, America relied on Israel’s stick to discipline rebellious Arabs, and on a number of Arab rulers to sow discord and ignite Arab-Arab wars. But now it can rely on neither Israel nor the Arab rulers, and finds itself forced to mass its own armies in the region. In the past America would threaten and the Arabs would submit, but threats are no longer effective these days. It suffered a major humiliation on September 11 — regardless of whether we agree or disagree with what happened — and it is now massing enormous military forces to confront Iraq, all while fearing that it might inflame the region and give rise to more underground movements that target Americans and their interests.

The martyr Yahya Ayyash managed to put many states on tiptoe when he developed explosives that spread terror inside Israel. Neither all that massive military power Israel possesses, nor the power of the United States, could save it — even though what Ayyash used never exceeded fifty kilograms of unsophisticated explosives. Israel fell into a state of panic and mobilized world powers to Sharm el-Sheikh to discuss what they called “Hamas terrorism.” A fierce pursuit began, targeting Hamas members and any funds that might reach them, in the hope of eliminating the movement so that Israel could finally sleep soundly. Despite all this, neither did Israel sleep soundly, nor did Hamas weaken. On the contrary, the Islamic current in all its strands grew stronger and became more mature, both organizationally and tactically.

Regardless of the debate that can be had over how effective military operations against Israel actually are, the notion of Israel’s fragility remains valid. Israel lost its composure because of military operations carried out in the streets of its own cities, and it mobilized all of its propaganda, diplomatic, military, and economic energies to defend an Israeli security that had been torn open and that provoked copious tears of sorrow and pain. It is legitimate for any observer of the situation to wonder about the greatness of a state that groans over a limited number of military operations. Is it really so great and mighty, or do the eyes of Arabs — who picture it as an octopus — simply fail to see things at their true size?

The same applies to the United States, which has lost much of its rational composure and balance and has begun brandishing the big stick at anyone who obeys and anyone who defies it. Its obsession is Osama bin Laden, and its dread anticipates the emergence of new underground movements that did not exist before. It has begun manufacturing its own fears and taking measures that may be built on illusions, or on false news leaked by organizations wishing to harm America. It is no longer difficult to play on America’s nerves and put it on alert. It is enough for someone to post a threat, or a fabricated report of intentions to carry out a military act against America, on any page of the internet, to keep its head off the pillow at night.

This means that the developments of events over the years have proven false the claim that “American fate” — and with it “Israeli fate” — is unstoppable. I believe that the picture that was painted was greatly exaggerated, and it created illusions among Arabs that shaped their way of thinking and their behavior. There is no doubt that the two states plan and follow scientific methods in their scheming and implementation, but this does not mean they fully succeed in everything they set out to do. The two states succeed here and there, shape events, influence the course of other events, achieve some interests and damage others, and so on — but this does not mean they succeed at everything, or that they determine the future, control it, and dominate its every detail.

There has been success for the two states in our Arab region, but matters have not become settled for them, and it does not appear that they will. On the contrary, conditions are growing more complicated for both states, and they will be forced to exert increasingly intense and sustained efforts as time goes on. The two states may now need double the effort to achieve what could once have been achieved easily, and they may not be able to achieve it at all. Someone might object that this is not true, since Arabs are suffering now more than they suffered before. That is true, but this too is a measure of how conditions have developed in a way that does not suit what the two states desire. Arabs are suffering more now than before because their spirit of defiance has developed. Israel used to fight easy wars because Arabs did not trouble themselves with the burden of fighting, and America used to sit atop the nation’s wealth because the nation was content with submission. But now Israel has found fighters like the fighters of Hezbollah and the Palestinian martyrdom resistance, and America has found those who defy its authority, whether at the level of states or underground movements. From among the nation there emerged those who effectively turned their backs on domination and the submission it tries to impose, and decided to rebel against the American and Israeli wills.

So if America is massing its armies, it is because its task of preserving the state of affairs it wants has grown complicated, and if Israel resorts to aircraft and tanks to confront the Palestinians, it is because the task of controlling them has changed in nature. Some voices rise up against acts of resistance and against defying the American and Israeli wills, but this rising will remain without an echo, because it runs counter to the logic of history. This nation is no different from other nations, and it must eventually avenge itself. The intensity of that vengeance grows with time, and with it grows the intensity of the American-Israeli response. This is accompanied by a rise in the intensity of suffering, but within that lies an approach toward the end of the enemy’s domination. In other words, American policy is not an inescapable fate, nor is it immune to attrition or setback.

The poor state of Arab affairs, at both the official and partisan levels, is plain to see, and it is a subject of Arab complaint from the ocean to the gulf. But awareness of this poor state is far superior to ignorance of it, and the deeper the awareness of something grows, the greater the likelihood of working to change it — and, consequently, the greater the likelihood that the Americans and Israelis will fail to achieve their goals.

Source: Translated from the original Arabic article, “الإرادة الأمريكية ليست قدرا” by Dr. Abdul-Sattar Kassem.