Meshaal and Reconciliation

by Dr. Abdul-Sattar Kassem

Mr. Khaled Meshaal, in his speech of October 9, 2013, called for Palestinian reconciliation and unity as a vital path toward preserving Jerusalem and the holy sites, but said nothing about the environment required for reconciliation to be achieved. He indicated clearly that the path of confronting “Israel” is, first and foremost, the military path, and that the other paths are, as I understood his speech, nothing but supporting paths. Given this, can reconciliation possibly take place amid negotiations and security coordination with the Zionist enemy?

The path of reconciliation is closed under current conditions, and this has already been written about at length. Military action and resistance stand in flat contradiction to security coordination, and the Palestinian people cannot deter Israel through negotiations, or through its own security services pursuing those engaged in resistance and defending Zionist security. For this reason, if we want reconciliation, the following proposal may hold some meaning:

Before putting forward the proposal, I ask: is the Authority an end in itself, or a means toward restoring the fixed national rights? This question is addressed to both Fatah and Hamas: has the Authority become so appealing to you, or to one of you, that reconciliation can only happen while preserving the authority-related interests of one or both of you? If Palestine is the goal, it is important for both movements to be prepared to relinquish the authority, or the administrative leadership, of the Palestinian people. Both movements clinging to their administrative positions does not serve the way out of the Palestinian impasse, while their readiness to relinquish those administrative positions would offer the Palestinian people the best possible service. Accordingly, I put forward the following points:

1. A national body should be formed to manage the affairs of the population in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, made up of independent nationals not affiliated with factions or states, with the aim of running the daily civil life of the Palestinian people in the West Bank and the Strip. Two factions, one from the nationalist current and the other from the Islamic current, would form this council temporarily.

2. The national body would oversee people’s daily and national affairs only, with no involvement in political and security life, but civil security would be in its hands — that is, it would oversee the police and gendarmerie forces.

3. The Palestinian factions should turn their attention to reorganizing their own affairs with the aim of confronting the occupation, and whoever does not want resistance may turn into a mere political party. National security remains the responsibility of the resistance factions.

4. A new Palestinian national charter should then be drafted, to serve as a guiding beacon for all Palestinians wherever they are found. The charter would be put before the factions and all the people.

5. The Palestine Liberation Organization would be rebuilt according to this new charter, with everyone taking part in it.

6. A Palestinian charter court, or constitutional court, should be established, with jurisdiction to try individuals and factions that fail to abide by the charter.

7. The Liberation Organization, established under the new charter, would take over the various files of the Palestinian people wherever they are found, and would hold the final decision.

Source: Translated from the original Arabic, “مشعل والمصالحة” by Dr. Abdul-Sattar Kassem.