Palestinian Popular Resistance

by Dr. Abdul-Sattar Kassem

The term “popular resistance” recurs in the Palestinian agreements concluded between the Fatah and Hamas movements, yet without any decisive clarification or clear delimitation of its meaning. The term appears in the context of these agreements to mean that the signatories stand with Palestinian popular resistance in confronting the occupation, toward the restoration of Palestinian rights, or some part of them; but this is not followed up by lectures, seminars, or media meetings with officials from both factions to clarify the meaning of popular resistance and the responsibilities and duties that follow from it, at both the individual and collective, official and unofficial levels.

It is noticeable that many people believe popular resistance means peaceful resistance, one that does not use weapons or other means of violence that might lead to bloodshed. Others believe popular resistance consists of some demonstrations against the wall, against land confiscation and settlement construction, the setting up of protest tents in the main squares of cities, and the issuing of printed and non-printed statements against the occupation.

I believe the term “popular resistance” is an imprecisely defined term, open to many interpretations, and that it may include both armed and unarmed resistance, since armed resistance is itself a form of popular resistance as well. But if we want to exclude the use of weapons from the idea of popular resistance and confine it solely to peaceful confrontations, then it would be expected that the Palestinian people in the West Bank and Gaza — bearing in mind that Gaza is not under occupation — would take the following measures and steps:

First: an economic boycott of the occupation, since this boycott is considered the first step of resistance that an unarmed people can undertake without violence. A people that wants to resist its enemy in a sustained and serious manner begins first with an economic boycott that damages the enemy’s economy, or prevents the enemy from benefiting economically, and that encourages local produce, which is considered one of the pillars sustaining resistance. This requires national awareness of individual and collective responsibility, and giving national values precedence over consumerist ones. Here, the justifications for buying Zionist products — such as the quality of the goods, or their unavailability in the local market — fade away. The Palestinian people have not held firm to this since 1967.

Second: boycotting the enemy in all fields, and putting a complete stop to normalization. Popular resistance presupposes not establishing relations with the enemy of any kind whatsoever, foremost among them negotiations and security coordination, carrying weapons licensed by the enemy, recognizing its existence, and so on.

Third: stopping work in Zionist factories and plants, whether in the land occupied in ‘48 or in that occupied in ‘67, because Palestinian labor power must not become an instrument of economic strength for the enemy at the Palestinians’ expense. This means developing a primitive or home-based Palestinian economy that embraces the ideas of self-reliance and self-sufficiency, and that generates job opportunities for everyone. The worker who wants to feed his children awaits alternatives to working in Israel and the settlements.

…from anyone recognizing him. The identity card Palestinians now carry bears the letterhead of the Palestinian Authority, but in reality carries the very same Israeli number — only the letterhead has changed. As for those who obtain newer cards, their identity numbers are simply transferred to the Israelis.

Fifth: the struggle to purchase the goods people need and that are essential, from Jordan and Egypt. This is consistent with the idea of boycotting Israeli goods, including even those Israel itself imports, such as sugar and tea.

Sixth: stopping the use of Israeli currency and using the Jordanian and Egyptian currencies instead.

Seventh: restructuring the departments and institutions of the Palestinian Authority in a manner that serves popular resistance, and working to reorder the priorities of public spending in a way that leads to sound distribution, agricultural investment, and the achievement of self-reliance.

Eighth: revisiting educational curricula so that they become national curricula that open the way to national awareness and awareness of responsibility. This applies to both schools and universities.

Ninth: establishing popular committees in the various neighborhoods, villages, and cities as popular administrative alternatives in the event of the collapse of official administration — indeed, such a collapse is to be expected, given the occupation’s practices in confronting popular resistance.

Tenth: searching for alternatives to Israeli electricity, and insisting on generators that operate by Palestinian will.

Eleventh: digging large water-collection wells in the Roman style, since they meet part of our water requirements.

Twelfth: ridding ourselves of the Americans and Europeans who meddle with the Palestinian people’s future and who are now present in great numbers in the West Bank. Our institutions, neighborhoods, villages, and universities must be forbidden to the consuls of states that support Israel.

Thirteenth: forming a highly capable media apparatus to support popular resistance locally, in the Arab world, in the Islamic world, and globally.

Fourteenth: halting dealings with Arab and Islamic regimes that maintain relations with Israel.

Fifteenth: pursuing a policy of ostracism against every Palestinian who cooperates with Israel in any form whatsoever.

Sixteenth: everyone must expect harsh Israeli measures, but whoever wants to seize freedom must be willing to bear them.

These are fundamental points, but they are not exhaustive. Other steps will present themselves to us along the way as we resist as a people, and we must be capable of development and maneuver.

Will This Resistance Ever Happen?

I have no conviction that popular resistance will actually come about, because such a resistance requires a leadership other than the current leadership, policies other than the current policies, schools other than the current schools, universities other than the current universities, and perhaps a generation other than the current generation. There are those who think popular resistance is a demonstration in Kafr Qaddum or Nilin, or a tent of appeals for the release of prisoners at Nablus’s traffic circle. And there are those who think popular resistance is lounging on the beaches of Netanya and Tel Aviv. The general Palestinian condition is not ready for resistance.

I am fully aware that the term “popular resistance” is being used to justify the absence of resistance, and this is why the officials who call for popular resistance are required not to toy with people’s minds, and must put a stop to their mockery.

Source: Translated from the original Arabic, “المقاومة الشعبية الفلسطينية” by Dr. Abdul-Sattar Kassem.